White Wokeness

It’s the new factor in our national life.

Raegotte Report



Charles Love

The views of the Authors are not necessarily the views of Enigmose.

Over the past month, protests against racism have taken place daily in America’s largest cities. They started out as a black movement against police brutality, but they have a different look now. In many cases, whites have taken over. They make conciliatory gestures, apologizing for their “white privilege,” and, in at least one case, washing black people’s feet to expiate themselves of their collective sins. Celebrities, athletes, and corporate America followed suit. Portland’s police chief resigned, asking to be replaced by a black man, and the CEO of Chick-fil-A urged whites to shine the shoes of black people to show a “sense of shame.” Countless others have pledged millions of dollars to end racism. Seeing all this, one wonders: Why now?

 

To find out what was moving the conversation on race in America, I had to hear what whites were saying. I listened to the protesters, talked with my white friends, and read articles and social media posts from those supporting the movement. Two things started to bring the issue into focus for me. The first was a video I’ve seen retweeted and forwarded on social media, explaining “systemic racism.” The video compares two friends—Jamal, who is black, and Kevin, who is white. “This is Jamal,” the narrator begins. “Jamal is a boy who lives in a poor neighborhood. He has a friend named Kevin who lives in a wealthy neighborhood. All of Jamal’s neighbors are African-American and all of Kevin’s neighbors are white.” The video opens with an image of Jamal standing in front of a boarded-up home with broken windows. This seemed overly simplistic, designed to make an extreme point.

 

Then I heard the news about universities deciding to stop using the ACT or SAT in consideration for admissions because the tests are biased against blacks. The schools don’t say that blacks aren’t smart enough to score well on the test—that would be vulgar racism—but that black kids cannot afford tutors or the prep classes the white kids use to increase their scores. This sounded as reductive in its assumptions about black economic life as the video about Jamal and Kevin. In each case, black people are depicted as desperate and defeated, with nothing in the way of material or personal resources to pull themselves out of their misery.

“I understand your point,” a white friend said, “but don’t you think blacks are being oppressed?”

That’s when I realized that white wokeness is the new factor in our national life. It has been embedded into the consciousness of whites that all blacks are the same and that they all face impossible barriers to improvement—from fictional Jamal to the standardized tests to the black men being arrested on the nightly news. A growing number of whites believe that these episodes are typical of everyday black life.

Most whites don’t have many black friends who can give them firsthand accounts of what their experiences are with racism. While most blacks do experience some discrimination or racial prejudice, it is rarely violent, and it does not hold them back in a significant sense. Is racism a “systemic” or “institutional” force? For more than half a century, the United States has had no laws preventing black people from doing anything that white people can do, and government agencies and courts closely monitor socioeconomic life for any vestiges of discrimination in housing, employment, or public accommodations.

The media give a distorted view of black life. We see this in the stories they decide to report—and not to report. In 2018, police shot and killed 54 unarmed men; 22 were black. Compared with the percentage of blacks in the U.S. population, that figure looks disproportionate—but black people commit a disproportionate amount of violent crime and thus tend to have more interactions with the police. Every police shooting must be investigated thoroughly and fairly, but we should also demand fair and thorough media coverage of these shootings. It’s telling that so many people can name some of the unarmed black men killed by police, but few can name any of the white men.

 

The Silent Black Majority

Silent Black Majority

Blacks do lag whites in many socioeconomic indicators—but most blacks do not live in poverty, do not have constant run-ins with law enforcement, and are not uneducated. It’s important to look at racial disparities in context. Though blacks commit more violent crime than whites in relative terms, in absolute terms, the percentage of people who commit any violent crime is tiny. The white violent-crime rate is 0.12 percent; for blacks, it is 0.44 percent. By any standard, most people are not violent criminals, regardless of their race. The black unemployment rate has averaged between 7 percent and 12 percent since the Bureau of Labor Statistics started keeping records in 1954—except for a high of 19.5 percent in 1983—while for whites, the average has been between 4 percent and 7 percent. This disparity holds for poverty as well. As of 2018, the poverty rate for blacks was 20.8 percent, while the rate for whites was 8.1 percent. Though a persistently poor black underclass has emerged since the civil rights era, the underclass experience does not describe the lives of tens of millions of black people. While efforts should be made to close the black-white poverty gap, the numbers are not consistent with the assumption that American blacks are broadly impoverished. Read More

 
 

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